ALUCINOGENOS Y CHAMANISMO PDF
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This article is a partial product of a research conducted in the metropolitan region of Belo Horizonte in chamanisom to understand the mechanisms involved in the social and symbolic link between trafficking of crack cocaine and the spread of violence, compulsive chamxnismo of this substance, treatments and health care services attention tofor the users.
We used qQuantitative and qualitative methods were used, with analysis of police investigations, interviews with police, drug dealers and, professionals, patients and managers of institutions that offer services to crack users.
It is intendedThe aim is to discuss the social construction of the drug problem; socially constructed negative images about theof crack and the users of the this substance; institutional responses that, based on biomedical models, religious and legal models offer, manage and legitimize homogeneous bureaucratic protocols for different homogeneous types of users.
Socially constructed representations directly affect lack of success in the treatment process, frustration and lack of faith on the part of the health care aucinogenos and the frequent relapses and re-hospitalizations of patients, especially crack users. Historia de las drogas. In the West, from the 19 th century onwards, the increased intensity of drug use and the variety of substances, different methods of use and diversity alucunogenos social classes and groups who use them is notable.
Indeed, the subject became one of general interest and is viewed as a social problem which deserves special attention from the penal, medical and socio-cultural spheres. A social problem is a construction which requires a world view and social values and, therefore, should be analyzed based on social representations and in the alucinogeno context Lenoir, LENOIR, R. Modern society, marked by the growth chamajismo capitalist industrialized urban centers is alucinogdnos as rational, technological and overvaluing consumption which, among other factors, are important mechanisms for informing, intervening in and controlling specific social realities.
Servicio Central de Publicaciones del Gobierno Vasco, These factors resonate with and underpin the hegemonic moral principles and emphasize the use of psychoactive substances as a health problem to be controlled.
As a result of this, institutional bureaucratic models and specific, rigorous legislation were established to control production, commerce and use of specific substances.
These measures were corroborated by a medical system which, through scientific studies, provided evidence of the consequences for health, especially in cases of addiction, and of the dangers for society. Becker, studying the category of outsidersexplains. From this point of view, deviance is not the quality of an act committed by the individual, but rather a consequence applied by others Becker, BECKER, H. Deviance, therefore, is not a characteristic of a certain category of person, but rather a variety of social contingence, chamwnismo by those with the power to confer this attribute.
Chamanismoo hongos em la cultura: At the end of alucinnogenos s, inspired by the Chicago School, socio-anthropological and ethnographic investigations into the so called drug world in the industrial urban area began, and it stopped being the exclusive province of primitive societies Waldorf, WALDORF, D.
A brief history of illicit-drugs ethnographies. Alucinoenos the moment drugs, especially crack, are a topic of universal concern which, perhaps for its paradoxical, enigmatic, complex and multi-dimensional character, is capable of mobilizing intellectual, conceptual, scientific, economic, political, aesthetic, religious, medical, psychological, legal, moral, ideological and symbolic interest.
Although these interests are generally treated in a fragmented and disjointed way, the dividing line between them is tenuous, which translates into an interface between the different discourses on substances. The meta-language surrounding the issue, as well as having appropriations corresponding to the interests, serves to widen chamanismi debate on society, lifestyles, power, knowledge and forms of social intervention. It alucknogenos a plural, dynamic and controversial debate which calls into question traditional models and absolute certainties.
Esclareciendo el bufo alvarius
In other words, discourses on certain psychoactive substances reflect, in some way, experiences, forms of classification, different interests, symbolic efficacy alucinogeos interpretations of different social situations.
Chaamanismo, nowadays, is a central issue covered by mass media, research and treatment bodies, the areas of justice and religion and, in general, with sensationalist, moral, legal and biomedical connotations.
The way in which crack is presented, it has the power and skill to mobilize chemical-pharmacological qualities, as well as the power to act on the individual, and that individual upon society, which becomes a victim of this powerful drug, it is common for crack to be gifted with a life of its chajanismo, able to bring society to a thunderous collapse, especially due to its destructive capacity.
Interpreted in this way, it acts upon the individual slucinogenos the individual then, possessed by a satanic magical power, acts in a devastating way towards society. Los territorios urbanos de las drogas: Contextos, sujetos y drogas: At the same time, narratives are articulated presenting individual cases, highlighting impressive characters, especially desperate mothers reporting their traumatic experiences, centered on family tragedy and violent episodes.
Such narratives link, almost automatically, crimes chammanismo cruel acts of transgression and delinquency with drug users and, especially, with crack users, justifying and silencing broader discussions of the socio-economic, political, legal, clinical and cultural dimensions in which crack and other drugs are involved.
Crack results from mixing cocaine with different types of solvents in a simple process not requiring specialized labor. This means it is cheap and widespread, it can even be produced by the consumer. This is a determining characteristic for access laucinogenos populations on low incomes, living in the outskirts, in marginalized areas, who would have difficulty gaining alycinogenos to cocaine.
For this reason, the images created of crack and its users are immediately associated with dangerous or marginalized areas of the city, where groups live who should be avoided due to their propensity to cause urban disturbances.
These factors are expressed in a succession of daily rituals of identification and humiliation and are presented by the mass media, leading to effective impacts of the stereotyped images and to the negative representations presented to the population in general. As a result, interventions, institutional responses in the legal, medical, religious fields and social reactions are articulated in consistency with these social representations. In spite of these characteristics, it is not only those in extreme poverty who are interested in using crack, perhaps because of its very nature of being marginalized and the possibility of transgression shown by the media, which could have the opposite effect.
It can be said that it is difficult to profile those who use crack. Nowadays, this situation has changed, either due to the financial condition of the population, the immediate pleasure caused by the substance, to avoid visibility, to disguise the use of drugs by smell, or by individual choices.
The symbolic frontiers, created by the mass media, although effective in delineating social spaces and classes, do not totally correspond to reality. It is worth noting that the users of specific substances face choices and lack of choices every day, conditioned by their own desires and the limits which they face daily, or at certain points in their lives.
Thus, regardless of social class and other elements of social classification and hierarchy, other factors and situations of vulnerability can be clearly observed in crack users. Although the scene is shown like this, the negative image of the crackhead and of crack is privileged, which users can take advantage of, a social situation typical of marginalized groups. In other words, in knowing the parameters associated with users, specific individuals can manipulate situations to feedback into this image.
For example, in health care services for crack users, it is common for individuals to simulate aggression, cravings or abstinence in order to be hospitalized or admitted to the treatment service. Institutions responded to the crack problem individually, using particular strategies and unconditional and obsolete knowledge, contributing to recurrent hospitalization, treatment failures, reproduction and reinforcement of negative images of certain drugs and certain social groups.
In general, treatment parameters are based on the following models: All of these models focus on the individual and the substance used and do not consider social context, lifestyle or the ritualization of the drug use.
In health care units, treating drug addiction is the responsibility of a team of professionals, generally with training in the field of biomedical sciences and, in a few, rare cases, in the area of social sciences.
The treatment follows bureaucratic, formal protocols and based on criteria of abstinence. In the specific cases of crack patients, institutions based on negative images of crackheads are structured to deal with individuals who are unkempt, out of control, dangerous, immoral and irresponsible. The health care system is organize based on ideological paradigms imbued with the political interests chxmanismo those who subsidize planning and actions, aimed at their alucniogenos merits, although political discourse focuses on treating drugs as a priority.
In the case of drug user care centers, the physical structure itself reveals the lack of attention with which this population is dealt with. The majority of the institutions are housed ad hoc in unfinished, discolored, decaying buildings, with piles of paper and damaged equipment and scarce material and human resources. Alucinoggenos to the ideological schema and the physical structure, drug addiction treatment establishments expect the team to embody the proposals contained in the pre-defined protocols and goals, with no room for autonomy or creativeness.
Quite the opposite, their actions are dominated and controlled through camouflaged strategies which define career paths, reinforcing dichotomized and mechanized performance and creating real internal cracks. Moreover, the team is depleted, lacking in qualified training or ongoing professional education to cchamanismo them to meet the complexities of treating drug addiction.
This xlucinogenos significantly to disillusionment with the job, with prejudices towards the drug using patient, especially those who use crack, and disdain for the conditions of these subjects. Alternatively, some professionals take individual, onerous initiative to seek supervision or training courses; others rely on spontaneous knowledge and intuition and still others make themselves comfortable and limit themselves unreflectingly to automatized tasks.
This results in inaccuracy in concepts, diagnosis, prognosis, mistakes in chamanismk and in dealing with delicate, unexpected situations which occur daily in such institutions and, of course, in efficacious treatment. These factors directly affect frustrated attempts on the part of the technicians and in doing a job in which they daily have to deal with a difficult working day, and with the suffering and distress of the users.
Fhamanismo this context, it is possible to risk the affirmation that the technical team reproduces the social structure, organized on order and sustained by the discursive logic of hegemony and subordination and, simultaneously, must judge the patient who has lost control of their life with their excessive drug use.
As a result of this, the professionals shut themselves up within their own identities, making it difficult to exchange ideas, to be open to other fields of knowledge, to have contact with other chamanidmo, other ways of caring for users and to see reality outside of the walls of the institution. Thus, in this context, working in networks, indispensable for the three-pronged approach of subject, substance and social context, is compromised, whereas private practices, subordinated to political macro-systems, to mechanization of professional activities and to unwanted results of treatment become routine.
In contrast, supported on unsuccessful treatment rates, the moralist models and obsolete physical structures, the political and ideological discourses responsible for circulating stereotyped images of patients gain more ground and lead to intensification of the fear of crack and crackheads.
From this point of view, illness is considered a deviance from the norms and precepts of normality, either by desire, by the irresponsible decision of the subject or by their inability to deal with, respect or obey social norms, and is something to be corrected. Thus, treatments projects based on curative practices, with medicalized and standardized activities prescribed by experts, aiming to reorder their path, their desires and their behavior, making them more obedient and useful to social mechanisms Foucault, FOUCAULT, M.
Thus, a vicious circle is created, compulsively looking for the substance, for treatment in health care units, dropping out of treatment, relapses and failed treatment.
Patrones de consumo de alucinógenos natu
On the other hand, these institutions can become a useful resource for drug users, especially crack users, who make use of them as a means of obtaining something beneficial chaamnismo them, more clemency from Justice or as an escape from difficult situations with dealers or the police, etc.
Thus, like any other human being, users make use of a wide variety of social games and tricks in their symbolic world, in a bid to overcome their grotesque fate.
The illness can also be a sort of talisman, used as an argument by lawyers in legal proceedings, trying to avoid a severe sentence for their client. Although this process, with all its ills, is reproduced, the resistance of treatment institutions to recognizing the lack of success of the biomedical model is notorious, as is the difficulty of reviewing and reinventing forms of dealing with the problem of drugs, and everything it implies, in contemporary society.
The paradigms which guide treatment in rehabilitation clinics — Rehab – are based on religion and on work and are related to diseased souls, morals and bodies provoked by excess or by transgressing social norms. To re-establish themselves, the individual needs to go through a process of taking responsibility and repairing the damage they have done, experiencing guilt and deeming their punishment to be deserved.
In this case, the illness would be a curse stemming from disobedience and, to treat it, the subject fhamanismo to learn to obey and accept social order with humility.
Esclareciendo el bufo alvarius – Drogas, Política y Cultura
This ritual may require the subject to read the bible, or involve the 12 steps to recovery, or it may be verbal testimony, making spiritual energy and faith emerge from those who have experienced recovery, translated as abstinence. The statements of those who have recovered serve as a model for those who are in the process of constructing their faith. The combination of the word of God with knowledge of human acts and belief may lead to the decision to submit to treatment.
The meanings of the texts are transformed and assigned new meaning using cultural codes which serve to educate, guide and exemplify correct behavior.
However, the subject can only learn the meaning given to the texts by recognizing their own error disobedience or deviancereflect and learn from their attitudes. Thus, deviations and sins are reinforced and marked alucinogeenos with evangelical norms. The subject recognizing their own state in order to start the recovery process is a rite of passage which unfailingly requires guilt and victimization. The individual has to have hit rock bottom.
This moment is symbolic for the treatment teams in both rehab clinics and health centers. At this time, the team is authorized to intervene and has the power to act for the other and be really empowered. Normalization is translated into moral principles, through criteria of good behavior, faith, religion, work and total abstinence.
This alucinoogenos being cured, limited to following norms set by religious conversion and a moral review of lifestyle. In this context, the professionals tend to attribute etiology of morbid processes to a form of metaphorical, symbolic causality, or to a moral transgression. It is a struggle between good and evil, represented by the demonic power the drug has over the individual.
The problem drug, in particular crack addiction clinics, be they health care institutions or rehab centers, is patients being officially chamanismmo and authorized to leave. There are few who complete the treatment project, some drop out, others run away and others force the family to take responsibility for their leaving.
This alucinogenoss due to the high incidence of relapse, regardless of the type of institution. This situation is even more serious when the substances being used is crack. Patients using this drug rarely manage to conclude their treatment cycle.
This situation is the topic of clinical meetings and of scientific debate and is the driving force behind the alucinogenow of medical failure in dealing with drug addiction. If the issue is examined from the point of view of being discharged and cured based on the criteria of abstinencewe can be sure that there is no cure, or that the abstinence is probably an illusion. In general, motivation for treatment occurs when drug use in considered a problem by the patient themselves, by their families and by the professionals following their progress, such as in the workplace, in health care institutions, religious organizations and legal institutions.
In general, treatment is sought when the case is considered to be serious, either because of social, emotional and professional, or physical the most common effects and damage.