IL VANGELO DI BARNABA PDF
Il Vangelo di Barnaba. A Gospel for Muslims? Curated by: Eugenio Giustolisi, Giuseppe Rizzardi. Code: RELISL not available. Product Details. “Il Vangelo di Barnaba” è un libro da leggere, indispensabile, molto dettagliato, che regala vere perle di saggezza. È un documento da tenere. Il Vangelo di Barnaba (Italian Edition) eBook: Abdel Kawi M. Dello Russo: : Kindle Store.
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The Gospel of Barnabas is a book depicting the life of Jesuswhich claims to be by the biblical Barnabas who in this work is one of the twelve apostles.
Two manuscripts are known to have existed, both dated to the late 16th or early 17th centuries, with one written in Italian and the other in Spanish. The Spanish manuscript is now lostits text surviving only in a partial 18th-century transcript. In some key respects, it conforms to the Islamic interpretation of Christian origins and contradicts the New Testament teachings of Christianity. The text of this Gospel is late and pseudepigraphical. Some Muslims consider the surviving versions as transmitting a suppressed apostolic original.
Some Islamic organizations cite it in support of the Islamic view of Jesus. This work should not be confused with the surviving Epistle of Barnabasnor with the surviving Acts of Barnabas. The earliest reference to a Barnabas gospel, which is generally agreed to correspond with the one found in the two known manuscripts, is in Morisco manuscript BNM MS in Madridwritten about by Ibrahim al-Taybili in Tunisia.
The first published account of the Gospel was inwhen a brief reference to the Spanish text is found in De religione Mohamedica by Adriaan Reland ;  and then ina much more detailed description of the Italian text by the Irish deist John Toland. The Muhammadans have also a Gospel in Arabic, attributed to saint Barnabas, wherein the history of Jesus Christ is related in a manner very different from what we find in the true Gospels, and correspondent to those traditions which Muhammad has followed in his Quran.
Of this Gospel the Moriscoes in Africa have a translation in Spanish; and there is in the library of Prince Eugene of Savoya manuscript of some antiquity, containing an Italian translation of the same Gospel, made, it is to be supposed, for the use of renegades.
This book appears to be no original forgery of the Muhammadans, though they have no doubt interpolated and altered it since, the better to serve their purpose; and in particular, instead of the Paraclete or Comforter, they have, in this apocryphal gospel, inserted the word Periclyte, that is, the famous or illustriousby which they pretend their prophet was foretold by name, that being the signification of Muhammad in Arabic; and this they say to justify that passage in the Quran where Jesus Christ is formally asserted to have foretold his coming under his other name Ahmedwhich is derived from the same root as Muhammad and of the same import.
Sale’s translation of the Qur’an text became the standard English version at that time; and through its dissemination, and that of the Preliminary Discourse, an awareness of the Gospel of Barnabas spread widely in scholarly circles; prompting many fruitless attempts to find the Arabic original to which Sale referred.
However, in his description of the Gospel in the Preliminary DiscourseSale was relying entirely on second-hand accounts.
For example, contrary to Sale’s notice, the words paraclete or periclyte are not explicitly found in the text of either the Spanish or Italian versions; although the Greek term periclyte is transliterated into Arabic in one of the marginal notes to the Italian manuscript at Chapter 44, as a gloss to the Italian ‘uno splendore’ which is indeed there applied to Muhammad by name.
Subsequent to the preparation of the Preliminary Discourse, Sale was able to borrow the Spanish manuscript itself and had a transcript made.
Gospel of Barnabas – Wikipedia
A “Gospel according to Barnabas” is mentioned in two early Christian lists of ” Apocrypha ” works: These lists are independent witnesses. In John Ernest Grabe found an otherwise unreported saying of Jesus,  attributed vangeko the Apostle Barnabasamongst the Greek manuscripts in the Baroccian collection in the Bodleian Library ; which he speculated might be a quotation from this “lost gospel”. John Toland translates the quotation as, The Apostle Barnabas vanglo, he gets the worst of it who overcomes in evil contentions; because he thus comes to have the more sin ; and claimed to have identified a corresponding phrase when he examined the surviving Italian manuscript of the Gospel of Barnabas in Amsterdam before Subsequent scholars examining the Italian and Spanish texts have been unable, however, to confirm Toland’s observation.
This work should not be confused also with the surviving Vnagelo of Barnabaswhich may have been written in 2nd century Alexandria.
There is no link between the two books in style, content, or vxngelo other than their attribution to Barnabas. Vvangelo the issue of circumcisionthe books clearly hold very different views, that of the epistle’s rejection of the Io practice as opposed to the gospel’s promotion of the same. Neither should it be confused with the surviving Acts of Barnabaswhich narrates an account of Barnabas’ travels, martyrdom and burial, and which is generally thought to have been written in Cyprus sometime after The saint’s body was claimed to have been discovered in a cave with a copy of the canonical Gospel of Matthew on its breast; according to the contemporary account of Theodorus Lectorwho reports that both bones and gospel book were presented by Anthemios to the emperor.
According to the 11th-century Byzantine historian Georgios Kedrenosan uncial manuscript of Matthew’s Gospel, believed to be that found by Anthemios, was then still preserved in the Chapel of St Stephen in the imperial palace in Constantinople. Prince Eugene’s Italian manuscript had been presented to him in by John Frederick Cramer ;  and was transferred to the Austrian National Library in Vienna in with the rest of his vabgelo.
Il Vangelo di Barnaba
In Amsterdam sometime beforeCramer had lent the manuscript to Toland, who writes that; Mr. Cramer had it out of the library of a person of great name and authority in that said city; who during his life was often heard to put a high value on the piece.
Whether as a rarity, or as the model of his religion, I know not. However, Toland’s notice would imply that the unnamed deceased former owner was a prominent anti-Trinitarian or Unitarian by religion; and Fremaux conjectures that the manuscript may have been brought to Amsterdam by Christopher Sandiuseither from his own activity as a collector in Poland ; or more likely from his acquisition of the papers of Giovanni Michele Brutowho had assembled an extensive collection of manuscript sources in Hungary and Transylvania.
Otherwise, Slomp has proposed that Gregorio Leti —whose Amsterdam library had been auctioned-off following his death, could be the unnamed former owner of the Italian manuscript. Leti however, though hostile to the Papacy and Sixtus V in particular was an orthodox Calvinist in religion.
The Italian manuscript has pages, of which the Gospel of Barnabas fills pages 43 towritten within red frames in an Islamic style. The preceding pages five to forty-two are also red framed; but remain blank other than for Cramer’s presentation to Prince Eugeneand it may be inferred that some sort of preface or preliminary text was intended, although the space is much greater than would have been needed for the text of the corresponding Spanish Preface.
The manuscript appears to be unfinished, in that the Prologue and chapters are provided throughout with framed blank spaces for titular headings, but only 28 of these spaces have been filled. This Italian manuscript formed the basis for the most commonly circulated English version, a translation undertaken by Lonsdale and Laura Ragg and published in The Raggs’ English version was quickly re-translated into Arabic by Rashid Ridain an edition published in Egypt in The Italian spelling is idiosyncratic in frequently doubling consonants and adding an intrusive initial “h” where a word starts with a vowel e.
Otherwise, however, the orthography and punctuation indicates a hand formed in the first half of the 16th century, and in certain key respects is characteristically Venetian.
The underlying dialect however, is Tuscan; and shows a barnzba of characteristic late medieval 14th—15th-century forms. The linguistic experts consulted by the Raggs concluded that the Vienna manuscript was most likely the work of an older Venetian scribe, copying a Tuscan original, and writing in the second half of the 16th century. The italian manuscript influenced – through John Toland’s “Nazarenus” – the early masterminds of biblical criticism as Reimarus, Lessing or Eichhorn.
Thus, Toland identified the italian manuscript as a late descendant of an early jewish-christian gospel that has barnqba received and transmitted by the muslim tradition.
Sale says of the lost Spanish manuscript; The book is a moderate quarto. It contains two hundred and twenty-two chapters of unequal length, and four hundred and twenty pages. It had been lent to Sale by Dr. George HolmeRector of Headley in Hampshire from till his death. Sale had a transcript made for his vangwlo use, and returned the original to Dr Holme; and it is recorded as being bequeathed to Queen’s Barnwba, Oxford in Holme’s will.
This manuscript, with an English translation, passed subsequently to Dr.
Thomas Monkhouse, also of Queen’s College, who himself lent both text and translation to Dr. Joseph White who used them for his series of Bampton Lectures in Holme might have come by it; but as Holme had been chaplain to the English factory in Algiers from to a North African provenance may be inferred.
Sale quotes three passages from the text in Spanish; and a further nine chapters are quoted by White in English translation. No trace is known of the original Spanish manuscript after Dr. Monkhouse’s death in However, an 18th-century copy, derived from the manuscript, was mentioned in a catalogue of the collection of manuscripts of the deceased author Joseph Ameswhere it was described as El Evangelio de Barnabas Apostol, transcribed from one in the Possession of Mr.
Calamywho bought it at the Decease of Mr. It is said that the Gospel of Barnabas ought to have been included. Of that Gospel, the Rev. Jeremiah Jones supposed that there were no fragments extant. He refers to the Italian MS.
Joseph White, in the notes to his Bampton Lecturesproduces a long extract. Sale, who in his translation of the Koran, notices this Gospel, likewise had a MS.
Calamy, who permitted a copy to be taken by Mr. John Nickollsthe portrait collector: Joseph Ames, author of the History of Printingand is now in my possession. The transcript was rediscovered in the s in the University of Sydney ‘s Fisher Library among the books of Charles Nicholsonlabelled in English “Transcribed from ms.
Callamy who bought it at the decease of Mr George Sale Comparing the Sydney transcript with the counterpart passages quoted in Spanish by Sale, there are no substantial differences, but it would appear that sometime between Sale’s death in and some 80 chapters of his transcript had been lost; and are consequently also missing from the Sydney copy. The Spanish text is preceded by a note claiming that it was translated from Italian by Mustafa de Aranda, an Aragonese Muslim resident in Istanbul.
A Morisco letter of aroundnow in Madrid, confirms de Aranda as an associate of Ibrahim al-Taybili, in whose works is found the earliest reference to the Spanish Gospel. In the Spanish text, the translator’s note is itself preceded by a Preface by one assuming the pseudonym ‘Fra Marino’, claiming to have stolen a copy of the Italian version from the library of Pope Sixtus V. Fra Marino also claims to have been alerted to the existence of the Gospel of Barnabas, from an allusion in a work by Irenaeus against Paul; in a book which had been presented to him by a lady of the Colonna family.
The linguistic forms, spelling and punctuation of the Spanish text as recorded in the Sydney transcript are generally close to standard Castilian of the late 16th century; and lack the idiosyncrasies of the Italian manuscript.
Hence, linguistically, the surviving Spanish text appears later than the surviving Italian text; but this does not necessarily confirm that the underlying Spanish text is secondary. Aside from the missing 80 chapters, there are differences in the chapter divisions between the Italian and Spanish texts; and also between the Sydney transcript and the Spanish passages quoted by Dr. The Italian and Spanish chapters agree for the prologue and up to chapter Chapter in the Italian version is split into Chapters and in the Spanish; and then Chapters and in the Italian correspond with in the Spanish.
Chapterbefore the lacuna, is common to both; but when the Spanish manuscript resumes, its numbered Chapter corresponds to the numbered Italian Chapter The two versions continue one chapter out of phase for the rest of the book so that the final Chapter in the Sydney transcript corresponds to Chapter in the Italian.
The final Chapter in the Italian is missing from the Spanish text. In the quotations of Joseph White, there is a further difference in that the long Chapter in the Italian text is split, so that Chapter in Dr. White’s text corresponds to Chapter in the Sydney transcript and Chapter in the Italian manuscript.
White’s Chapter corresponds with both Chapters and in the Sydney transcript, and Chapters and in the Italian. In this context it may be noted that Chapter in the Italian manuscript contains a corrected chapter division, in that the scribe originally split off the final paragraph into the start of Chapterand then erased and overwrote the division.
This suggests that whatever text the scribe of the Italian manuscript was using as his copy, was unclear as to chapter divisions at this point. Besides the absent final chapter, and the large lacuna already noted; the Spanish text also misses a section of around words from its Chapter Chapter in the Italian and another substantial but shorter section from Chapter Chapter in the Italian.
These may be related to Sale’s note that the manuscript was damaged towards the end. Otherwise there are numerous points where words present in the Italian text and necessary for the sense are not represented in the Spanish translation. Conversely there are also around a dozen places where the Raggs had speculated that a word or phrase might have been accidentally omitted in their Italian text, and in all these instances, the Spanish text supplies the missing words.
Unlike the Italian text, the Spanish text has no Arabic marginal notes or chapter summaries, nor are the Italian titles for the first twenty-seven chapters represented in the Spanish. There is a title provided in the Spanish text above the Prologue but this differs from that provided above the Prologue in the Italian text.
Contrariwise, there is a title provided above Chapter in the Sydney transcript, which is not found either above the corresponding Chapter in the Italian text, nor is quoted at this point by Dr. Other than in their respective copyist errors, there appear to be few substantial differences of meaning between the Spanish and Italian text; but one notable variant is found in the description of the crucifixion of Judas Iscariot in Chapter in the Spanish text in the Italian text.
Jesus Christ has been miraculously abstracted from the action; and Judas, transformed into the likeness of Jesus, is crucified in his place. In the Spanish manuscript, and Dr.